“In 1990 Lithuania stunned the world by declaring its independence. Despite Gorbachev’s glastnost it had to face a wrathful USSR alone without western help. To raise public awareness in the West, and to give vital moral backing to the brave … [More]

“In 1990 Lithuania stunned the world by declaring its independence. Despite Gorbachev’s glastnost it had to face a wrathful USSR alone without western help. To raise public awareness in the West, and to give vital moral backing to the brave Lithuanians, the TFPs organised the largest petition drive in history.(…) ON A COLD and blustery day in March 1990 President Vytautas Landsbergis put his official signature to Lithuania’s declaration of independence. The simple ceremony in Vilnius’ parliament building was to have colossal consequences: the break-up of the Soviet empire. But the ink of Landsbergis’ pen was hardly dry before the backlash began. Mikhail Gorbachev ordered a blockade of Lithuania, intending to bring it to its knees. To show that he meant business, the soviet military began rampages of violence and intimidation in the capital Vilnius and elsewhere in the country. All this was a far cry from the preceding five years, during which the smiling Gorbachev had toured the West proclaiming glasnost, or openness. A succession of publicity spectaculars, such as the sudden opening of the Berlin Wall, had convinced most westerners that Gorbachev and his associates were, to quote Margaret Thatcher, people one “can do business with”. But now, after all the talk of freedom and the right to self-determination for Soviet peoples, was Gorbachev about to force Lithuania to heel? If he did, the whole charade of glasnost was at an end. If he did not, the break away of Lithuania would undo his plans for a new Soviet Union based on his principles of “self-managing socialism” (see his bookPerestroika: New Thinking for Our Country and the World,London, Collins, 1987). The example of Lithuania could become contagious amongst other Soviet republics. The odds against Lithuania were immense. With only three million people, it depended on the USSR for almost everything, including power. And even if the international community took enough notice to send aid it would not get through the blockade. Armed uprising was unthinkable since the Soviet army had some of its biggest bases in and around Lithuania. But one thing not lacking was hope, and confidence in God. Western public opinion sympathised. But sympathy didn’t translate into action. And western governments, with the western media, were too infatuated with Gorbachev to hear Lithuania’s cry for help. The Lithuanians felt both excited and terribly alone as the summer of 1990 came on. This was when the TFP’s founder, Professor Plinio Corrêa de Oliveira, requested all the TFPs around the world to help Lithuania by carrying out an international petition drive. Addressed to Gorbachev, it asked him to put his deeds where his words were and to liberate Lithuania. It would show the Lithuanians how many friends they had in the West, giving them a vital moral boost. If they lost their nerve now all would be over for them. Millions of signatures would be necessary. But the TFPs threw themselves into the campaign so eagerly that by October well over five million had signed the petition. Word of the campaign quickly spread through the bush telegraph in Lithuania. “We have friends in the West!” Lithuanian foreign minister Algirdas Saudargas faxed his thanks to the TFPs: “This is the most significant help we have yet received from the West.” The TFPs redoubled their efforts, and the Lithuanians stiffened their resolve. In December, when a visiting delegation from the TFPs took the signatures to Vilnius (on microfilm, the paper forms weighing over two tons!) they were received as guests of honour. The microfilms were handed over to Landsbergis in a ceremony in Vilnius’ parliament building even as Soviet helicopter gunships clattered around in the sky overhead. Everywhere crowds turned out to greet the people of the worldwide petition drive. But less enthusiastic was the Kremlin. It issued a warning that foreigners stirring things up in Lithuania would face the consequences. It was clear Gorbachev was not interested in compromising. Troop levels were raised and shootings in Vilnius’ city centre became nightly occurrences. The guards at a Lithuanian border post were massacred. Tension grew. But if Gorbachev was not prepared to compromise, neither were the Lithuanians. When the final showdown came they surrounded all public buildings by their tens of thousands. Now if Gorbachev sent in troops to take over the buildings, television viewers around the world would see the massacre of unarmed civilians — ordered by the winner of the Nobel Peace Prize, no less! The people were ready to die for their freedom. On the night of 12 January 1991, when Soviet troops made a last bid to terrorise Lithuania into backing down, they drove tanks right over civilians who died arm-in-arm singing “Maria, Maria”, a traditional Lithuanian hymn to Our Lady. That night most buildings were retaken, except the vital parliament building. Then came a tense stand-off. In the end it was Gorbachev who had to back down. Lithuania was free! (…)” TFP Viewpoint,VolVII No 5, London, December 2000 http://www.lucisullest.it/international/uk/tfp/viewpoint/Ten.htm